Democrats cast 54% of Georgia's major-party primary ballots, up from 38% in 2022. Crossover ran even, 2.1% each way. The gain came from 2022 Republican primary voters who stayed home and from first-time Democrats.
of Republican-history voters voted in the Democratic primary
29,316 voters · 2.7% of D ballotsof Democratic-history voters voted in the Republican primary
25,289 voters · 2.7% of R ballotsof expected voters with no primary history voted in the Democratic primary
214,333 voters · 19.9% of D ballotsof the same group voted in the Republican primary
80,927 voters · 8.7% of R ballotsShare of expected voters with no primary history who voted in each primary, by precinct 2024 Harris share.
First-time Democrats clustered in Clayton, DeKalb and Rockdale; first-time Republicans in the North Georgia mountains.
The rate climbs from 3% in precincts near 10% Harris to 36% at 90%. Clayton (33%), Rockdale (32%) and DeKalb (31%) led. First-timers cast 19.9% of Democratic ballots.
14% in the reddest precincts, 1% in the bluest. Gilmer (19%), Lumpkin (18%) and White (16%) led. First-timers cast 8.7% of Republican ballots.
Every kind of precinct lost Republican primary voters from 2022; Democratic gains grew with density.
Dots: random sample of precincts. Lines: LOESS across all precincts, weighted by base size, with 95% bands; dashed lines are statewide rates. Existing-voter turnout: returning past primary voters minus 2022 voters who skipped 2026, as a share of the party's 2022 primary vote.
Net crossover leans D around Atlanta and Athens and R in rural east-central and southwest Georgia.
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R → D climbs from 0.6% in precincts near 8% Harris to 6.7% at 84%; the two crossover lines meet at 52% Harris. Among large counties, DeKalb (6.5%), Clarke (5.4%) and Fulton (4.5%) stood out.
4.1% in the reddest precincts, 0.4% in the bluest. Washington and Wilkes (17%) and Jefferson (16%) stood out; nearly all who crossed there were white.
Point gain: group rate minus statewide rate. Shown only where the gap exceeds sampling error. Groups overlap and don't control for one another. Race is self-reported on the Georgia voter file.
The primary margin moved 562,077 votes toward Democrats. Two-thirds came from turnout among past primary voters, mostly Republicans who sat out.
Percent of each party's 2022 primary vote (voter file); margin in points of the 2022 two-party primary vote, so rows add up.
| Democratic primary | Republican primary | Margin | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 primary (voter file) | 685,399 | 1,100,615 | R+415,216 |
| Switching | +47,402 | −12,156 | D+59,558 |
| Voted the other party's primary in 2022 | +37,480 | +8,817 | D+28,663 |
| Skipped 2022, last primary was the other party's | +18,739 | +16,507 | D+2,232 |
| Voted this party's primary in 2022, the other in 2026 | −8,817 | −37,480 | D+28,663 |
| Existing-voter turnout | +131,492 | −237,621 | D+369,113 |
| Skipped 2022 while registered, voted in 2024 | +91,922 | +76,055 | D+15,867 |
| Voted in 2024, registered after the 2022 deadline | +14,242 | +10,236 | D+4,006 |
| Skipped 2022, last voted before 2022 | +190,438 | +80,834 | D+109,604 |
| Voted in 2022, skipped 2026 | −165,110 | −404,746 | D+239,636 |
| New voters | +214,333 | +80,927 | D+133,406 |
| First primary ever, registered by the 2022 deadline | +120,466 | +47,466 | D+73,000 |
| First primary ever, registered after the 2022 deadline | +93,867 | +33,461 | D+60,406 |
| 2026 primary (voter file) | 1,078,626 | 931,765 | D+146,861 |
| Change | +393,227 | −168,850 | D+562,077 |
First-time voters added 214,333, returning past primary voters 131,492 on net and switchers 47,402.
404,746 of their 2022 primary voters skipped 2026. Returning voters and newcomers replaced 61% of them.
Both years from the voter file; 2026 ballots, including nonpartisan-only, total 2.05 million, in line with the nearly 2 million the Secretary of State reported. Skipped 2022 = registered by the Apr. 25, 2022 deadline. Nonpartisan-only ballots count as no party. 2022 had a contested GOP governor's primary.
Models of individual voters from the voter file, trained on a 4% sample of registrants plus every crossover voter. Bars show how much each set of traits helped the model tell voters apart. Likeliest: the tenth of each group the model rated most likely. Returning: voters whose last party primary was that party's. "Without vote history" drops primary and general-election history. Turnout scores excluded. Regional component: actual count against a model without region, relative to the statewide gap; shown where the difference exceeds sampling error. Fulton is split into North Fulton, the City of Atlanta and South Fulton.