Iowa's Democratic share of primary ballots rose from 44% to 47%, mostly because 2022 Republican primary voters stayed home. Gains were smallest in the reddest precincts.
of Republican-history voters voted in the Democratic primary
5,703 voters · 3.0% of D ballotsof Democratic-history voters voted in the Republican primary
5,789 voters · 2.7% of R ballotsof expected voters with no primary history voted in the Democratic primary
47,514 voters · 24.7% of D ballotsof the same group voted in the Republican primary
45,517 voters · 21.3% of R ballotsCrossover rate by precinct 2024 Harris share.
Crossover ran toward the local majority: R → D in Harris country, D → R in the rural west.
0.5% in the most Trump-leaning precincts, 4.6% in Harris's strongest. Among counties with sizable Republican bases, highest in Cherokee, Johnson and Pottawattamie.
Over 14% in the reddest precincts, under 1% in Harris's strongest. In Sioux County, Randy Feenstra's home in the governor's race, 35% of Democratic-history voters took a Republican ballot.
Partisanship and density sort the crossovers; education sorts who stayed home.
Dots: random sample of precincts. Lines: LOESS across all precincts, weighted by base size, with 95% bands; dashed lines are statewide rates. Existing-voter turnout: returning past primary voters minus 2022 voters who skipped 2026, as a share of the party's 2022 primary vote.
D → R peaked in Sioux County, Feenstra's home; R → D was highest around Iowa City and the Missouri River.
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Point gain: group rate minus statewide rate. Shown only where the gap exceeds sampling error. Groups overlap and don't control for one another.
The primary margin narrowed by 16,749 votes. Switching was 5%; most came from Republicans who sat out 2026.
Percent of each party's 2022 primary vote; margin in points of the 2022 two-party primary vote, so rows add up.
| Democratic primary | Republican primary | Margin | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 primary (reported turnout) | 156,589 | 195,355 | R+38,766 |
| Switching | +5,129 | +4,247 | D+882 |
| Voted the other party's primary in 2022 | +3,339 | +3,113 | D+226 |
| Skipped 2022, last primary was the other party's | +4,903 | +4,473 | D+430 |
| Voted this party's primary in 2022, the other in 2026 | −3,113 | −3,339 | D+226 |
| Existing-voter turnout | −17,069 | −30,939 | D+13,870 |
| Skipped 2022 while registered, voted in 2024 | +6,387 | +19,082 | R+12,695 |
| Voted in 2024, registered after the 2022 primary | +717 | +1,139 | R+422 |
| Skipped 2022, last voted before 2022 | +38,128 | +35,768 | D+2,360 |
| Voted in 2022, skipped 2026 | −47,661 | −71,827 | D+24,166 |
| Voted in 2022, no longer on the voter file | −14,640 | −15,101 | D+461 |
| New voters | +47,514 | +45,517 | D+1,997 |
| First primary ever, registered by the 2022 primary | +33,982 | +35,963 | R+1,981 |
| First primary ever, registered after the 2022 primary | +13,532 | +9,554 | D+3,978 |
| 2026 primary | 192,163 | 214,180 | R+22,017 |
| Change | +35,574 | +18,825 | D+16,749 |
First-time voters added 47,514, more than the entire 35,574-vote Democratic gain. Existing-voter turnout ran 17,069 behind 2022.
37% of 2022 Republican primary voters skipped 2026, against 30% of Democrats. Returning and first-time voters still grew the Republican primary by 18,825.
2022: Secretary of State reported turnout; 2026: voter file. Skipped 2022 = registered by the June 7, 2022 primary (Iowa has election-day registration). New = no primary ballot 2002–2025.